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AT&T tracked employee attendance to find ‘freeloaders.’ Now, it admits the system is driving workers to the ‘brink of frustration.’

A visitor walks past US multinational telecommunications AT&T logo during the 2024 Mobile World Congress (MWC), the telecom industry's biggest annual gathering, in Barcelona.
AT&T uses an automated system that tracks employee compliance with the company’s return-to-office policy.

  • AT&T is dialing down its use of a controversial attendance tracking system for enforcing its RTO policy.
  • The so-called presence report uses a combination of inputs to log employees’ time in the office.
  • The company’s CMO says its goal of finding “freeloaders” has been met, though trust issues remain.

AT&T is reducing its reliance on an employee-attendance tracking system, admitting to workers that it hasn’t been fully accurate and is “driving people to the brink of frustration.”

The system, known internally as presence reporting, automatically tracks the hours workers spend at their assigned office. Most are required to log at least eight hours a day, five days a week, on-site.

The telecom giant is one of several companies, including Amazon, JP Morgan, and Microsoft, tightening return-to-office mandates and using new tech to track employee compliance. Executives at these companies say the moves boost collaboration and productivity, though the results so far are mixed.

In a meeting last month, chief marketing and growth officer Kellyn Kenny said her division is reducing its reliance on presence tracking in response to employee concerns about the system and its accuracy. The system was originally introduced to identify employees who weren’t showing up in the office.

“We recognize that there’s things about the report that are not correct,” she said, according to audio obtained by Business Insider. “It is not something that I expect anybody to be looking at on a daily, weekly, or even monthly basis.”

AT&T is also deemphasizing use of the tracking system for salaried employees companywide, a person familiar with the matter said.

CEO John Stankey indicated in a memo to staffers last month (reported exclusively by Business Insider) that AT&T was shifting its use of behavioral data, such as presence reports.

John Stankey in front of a red background
AT&T CEO John Stankey

“We analyze patterns of behaviors from broad cohorts,” he wrote, “to determine if the behavior being evaluated is consistent with our stated priorities and employment expectations.”

Stankey said that an individual’s data must differ “significantly” from their peers before their name is attached to the behavior.

“Some may view this approach as a matter of trust, and that perspective is understandable. In several forums, I’ve expressed concerns that past data indicated more outliers than we’d like,” he said.

Kenny said during the August meeting that the employee survey (which prompted the blunt memo from Stankey) had “lots of feedback” about the presence reports. She said the survey included critiques from workers who said they were struggling to make it to doctors’ appointments without running afoul of the system, for example.

While the survey does not appear to have included a direct question about presence reporting, it did ask whether employees agreed that AT&T’s “policies and systems support me in delivering my best work.”

Kenny said in the meeting that roughly half of the respondents in her organization said “no,” and that many voiced their concerns about the RTO mandate and presence reports in the freeform response.

“I now understand the level of anxiety that this report has created,” Kenny said. “I also now understand how the fact that it is inaccurate is driving people to the brink of frustration, and it’s creating distrust.”

Business Insider has spoken with roughly a dozen employees from multiple divisions of the company this year about the system and its impact on their workplace experience.

A spokesperson for AT&T declined to comment for this story, instead citing Stankey’s August memo.

AT&T isn’t the only company cracking down on RTO compliance

Multiple employees told Business Insider that the system doesn’t just log badge swipes at the entrance or exit; the presence report uses laptop network connections and mobile device location data to infer the hours an employee was at their assigned office.

The tool was rolled out in response to the RTO push that began two years ago, and its usage ramped up as the attendance policy grew increasingly strict.

Other companies, like Amazon and JP Morgan in particular, have also closely monitored employee behavior at work. Amazon previously used categories like “inconsistent badger” or “zero badger” depending on an employee’s compliance with a three-day in-office mandate. The company ended up nixing the labels in favor of providing raw badging data to managers to use at their discretion.

A recent survey by commercial real-estate company CBRE found that more than two-thirds of employers track employee compliance with attendance policies, and more than a third have taken some level of enforcement action.

A person is silhouetted in an office building.
RTO mandates have led some employees to leave their companies.

Enforcement that is too strict or error-prone can cause other headaches within an organization — pushing out experienced employees, making it harder to hire new talent, or undermining motivation and trust within the organization. Amazon’s internal documents from last year indicated that its RTO policy was hampering its ability to recruit top AI talent, and a Harvard leadership expert said Meta’s abruptly shifting RTO effort in 2023 was likely to cause a “huge amount of distrust” in the company.

At the AT&T marketing and growth team meeting, Kenny said that the system helped leadership identify “freeloaders” who showed up for 30 minutes or two hours per day.

“There were people who badged in for 10 minutes, got themselves a cup of coffee, and then left,” she said. “The report was good for identifying the people who were abusing the system. We do not need this report for that purpose anymore, because we took action on the people who were the free riders.”

AT&T did not specify how many workers have been disciplined or dismissed in connection with their presence report information.

Tighter rules risk backfiring with workers who pull their weight

AT&T workers told Business Insider that apparent glitches in the system could also be a hassle for employees who were pulling their weight.

They said that in the first few months of this year, while the five-day RTO mandate was phasing in, their reports could be wrong by as many as several hours. In addition, briefly badging into an AT&T facility on a day off could trigger a person’s daily average hours to drop below the mandatory eight hours for the week.

“It was at its worst in March and April,” one worker in New Jersey told Business Insider. “Sometimes you’d step out for lunch, and then it would stop counting.”

Though there were no immediate consequences from an incorrect report, employees were concerned the erroneous data could make them targets for layoffs.

Some other business leaders have said RTO mandates have “encouraged” workers to quit voluntarily, allowing companies to avoid more expensive layoffs.

While AT&T previously told Business Insider the goal of its in-office rules is to foster better collaboration, it has also undertaken a multiyear effort to shrink its workforce. It started this year with around 140,000 employees, down from more than 160,000 at the start of 2023. Telecom competitors Verizon and T-Mobile started 2025 with 99,000 and 70,000, respectively.

AT&T's corporate headquarters in Dallas.
AT&T’s corporate headquarters in Dallas.

Stankey has said that the company is looking to cut some $6 billion in costs as it decommissions its legacy copper-based network in favor of new fiber and 5G technologies.

One worker in Georgia said that the presence reports changed the workplace reality for many salaried managerial workers, who aren’t used to such detailed tracking of their workday.

“We’re supposed to be able to work a more flexible thing as long as we get our work done,” he said.

Another effect of the crackdown on underperformers has been the erosion of motivation for some higher performers to put in extra time.

“The attitude has shifted,” the New Jersey employee said. “They only count eight hours, so I’m just going to work eight hours.”

The AT&T employees Business Insider spoke with said their presence reports have gotten more accurate over the past few months. One shared their report with annotations that showed such an improvement.

The question of employees’ trust could take more than a few months to resolve.

Read the original article on Business Insider
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Auto dealer Tricolor files for bankruptcy, moves to liquidate

The US Justice Department is investigating the alleged irregularities at Tricolor.
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Dems More Likely to Think Celebrating Public Figure’s Death Acceptable—Poll

Police are still searching for Charlie Kirk’s killer, with the FBI offering up to $100,000 for information that helps in their identification.
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西伯利亚2项目和中亚的气体议价能力

从俄罗斯到中国的西伯利亚2(POS-2)管道的拟议权力重新进入了俄罗斯天然气工业股份公司和CNPC之间新备忘录的实力的头条新闻。俄罗斯称备忘录为“法律约束力”,但中国避免了这句话,因为唯一具有法律约束力的是协议的协议。

备忘录肯定设计容量每年高达500亿立方米(BCM/y),一条蒙古的路线,在越过蒙古领土之前,俄罗斯一侧的总树干长度约为2,600公里(km)。可行性工作突出了1,420毫米(56英寸)的管道直径,在某些贸易报告中引用的费用接近13-1.4亿美元。

政治信号很强,但定价术语仍未解决。对于中亚而言,意义是直接的:即使没有最终销售合同,对未来俄罗斯批量的期望也会加剧中国与土库曼斯坦,哈萨克斯坦和乌兹别克斯坦的谈判姿势,这三个州已经通过中亚亚洲 – 奇纳 – 奇纳瓦斯·帕利赛(CAGP)与中国相连的三个州。中亚的天然气供应中国中亚的西行进口走廊来自中亚组成如今,三个平行管道共同提供了55 bcm/y的标称容量(每条15 bcm/y的线“ a”和“ b”,以及在25 bcm/y时行“ c”)。前两条线的建设始于2008年,运营始于2009 – 2010年。线C在2014年输入服务。D,D,计划在30 BCM/Y到乌兹别克斯坦 – 塔吉克斯坦 – 凯里斯坦到中国,已经推迟了多年。如果完成,它将提高走廊的能力,向85 bcm/y。

土库曼斯坦是锚供应商。牛津能源研究研究所(OIE)估计它于2022年的32.9 BCM(大约占该国当年气体出口的81%)交付给中国,长期销售以与石油价格相关的配方构建。 Interfax报告说,在2025年的第二季度,土库曼斯坦汽油的价格低于每千立方米(MCM)的290美元。这个数字与石油价格连接相一致,而不是枢纽指数的欧洲基准。最近的行业和地区报告使土库曼斯坦的交付平均2020年代中期约35 bcm/y。

哈萨克斯坦已承诺供应高达10 bcm/y,但国内限制使实际流量降低。标普全球引用4.4 BCM在2022年和2023年为5.86 BCM,冬季中断以保护国内消费者;在2023年生产的29.8 BCM商业天然气中,在家中消耗了19.4 bcm。

随着Tashkent平衡国内需求,进口和掉期运营,乌兹别克斯坦的数量变化更大。詹姆斯敦著名的乌兹别克斯坦的气体出口价值从2022年的10.7亿美元降至2023年的5.635亿美元反弹在2024年和2025年根据用于基于中国海关的新闻摘要。POS-2的路线,蒙古守门和中亚的影响该路线的地理对中亚很重要。在俄罗斯方面,公共摘要描述了从雅马尔通过urengoy穿过克拉斯诺亚尔斯克和伊尔库茨克的走廊,然后在缅甸穿过蒙古边界附近的kyakhta。在蒙古,官方通讯压力整个草原上的地下装置和当地的经济福利,但最终的投资和所有权安排仍在待处理中,该项目的日程安排仍然取决于具有约束力的俄罗斯 – 中国天然气销售协议,该协议已经避开了十多年的谈判者。

一个关键的近期现实是Ulaanbaatar的政策优先级。 2024年8月,多个媒体报告那个蒙古省略POS-2/SOYUZ VOSTOK从其国家发展计划到2028年,谨慎行事。 2025年,俄罗斯和蒙古官员强调了环境评估和政府间合作的进展,但较早的遗漏强调了该项目的不抗可取性。

POS-2的前景通过三种方式影响中亚。首先,它提供竞争的参考:即使没有进行实际交付,在与土库曼斯坦,哈萨克斯坦和乌兹别克斯坦的价格谈判中,北京的50 bcm/y的未来俄罗斯选项也能使北京讨价还价。其次,它可以使中国投资组合对冲提供在LNG采购周期中针对斑点波动率的稳定器。第三,随着物理天然气仍然存在数年,蒙古的门控窗给其他供应商的杠杆作用。地理和系统互动如果要进行POS-2,将会发生重大的系统级变化。首先,入口点将转移,中国对中亚天然气的单一新疆入境的依赖也将发生变化。其次,新的走廊将增加中国在液化天然气,POS-1,POS-2和CAGP流入中套利的灵活性。第三,蒙古传输将降低中亚过境的相对战略保费。

POS-2最难的商业问题一直是价格。欧洲历史上为俄罗斯提供了管道天然气的高利润指标。中国抵制了西伯利亚货量的类似欧洲的价格,更喜欢与石油连接的配方。最新的备忘录小号路线和能力,同时避免出版的价格公式。定价遗迹尚未确定:POS-2反复滑倒的核心原因。

然而,中国的西行管道系统已经在三个中亚供应商中赋予了北京的物理选择性,而土库曼斯坦则以数量为单位。现有的55 BCM/Y走廊,即使是D延迟线的可能性,也将扩张中国的投资组合甚至在任何俄罗斯天然气通过POS-2到达之前就进行了谈判空间。中亚的教训中亚天然气外交通常是双边的。涉及协调生产,同步维护和对齐过境规则的“托管寡头”的转变将改变北京的算术。即使是基本步骤也可能有效。 POS-2的遥远前景增加了对不团结的惩罚,因为即使是俄罗斯天然气的50 bcm/y的阴影也会放大中国的步入式选择。

对于中亚而言,这有两种重要性。首先,每个月没有俄罗斯 – 中国的价格是一个月,土库曼斯坦可以强调交货,哈萨克斯坦可以出售季节性的牢固性,乌兹别克斯坦可以市场可靠性。土库曼斯坦自己的合同,与石油价格有关,最近实现的价格低于290美元/mcm,这表明中亚卖家已经在适合北京偏好的定价制度中工作。

中亚的底线是,他们的杠杆作用不在俄罗斯缺乏公共价格公式的假设流中,而是涉及已经流动的东西和蒙古尚未批准的东西。中亚政府可以通过强调可靠性,适度的协调性和可靠的选择性来将这一现实转化为改进的术语。这些策略共同将POS-2汇总为一项战略,该战略是否是对中亚天然气外交的长期限制,还是中亚人转向自己的优势的短期讨价还价筹码。

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The Power of Siberia 2 Project and Central Asia’s Gas Bargaining Power

The proposed Power of Siberia 2 (PoS-2) pipeline from Russia to China has re-entered the headlines on the strength of a new memorandum between Gazprom and CNPC. Russia calls the memorandum “legally binding,” but China has avoided the phrase, because the only thing that is legally binding is an agreement to negotiate.

The memorandum affirms a design capacity up to 50 billion cubic meters per year (bcm/y), a route via Mongolia, and a total trunk length of roughly 2,600 kilometers (km) on the Russian side before crossing Mongolian territory. Feasibility work has highlighted a 1,420-millimeter (56-inch) pipe diameter, and an indicative cost cited in some trade reporting near $13–14 billion.

The political signaling is strong, but pricing terms remain unresolved. For Central Asia, the significance is immediate: even without a final sales contract, the expectation of future Russian volumes tightens China’s negotiating posture with Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan, the three states already connected to China by the Central Asia–China Gas Pipeline (CAGP).

Central Asia’s Gas Supplies to China

China’s westbound import corridor from Central Asia consists today of three parallel pipelines that together provide a nominal capacity of 55 bcm/y (Lines “A” and “B” at 15 bcm/y each, and Line “C”  at 25 bcm/y). Construction of the first two lines began in 2008, with operations starting in 2009–2010; Line C entered service in 2014. Line D, planned at 30 bcm/y through Uzbekistan–Tajikistan–Kyrgyzstan to China, has been delayed for years; if completed, it would raise corridor capacity toward 85 bcm/y.

Turkmenistan is the anchor supplier. The Oxford Institute for Energy Studies (OIES) estimates its deliveries to China at 32.9 bcm in 2022 (roughly 81% of the country’s gas exports that year), with long-term sales structured on formulas linked to the price of oil. Interfax reports that in the second quarter of 2025, the price for Turkmenistan’s gas fell below $290 per thousand cubic meters (mcm). This figure is consistent with oil-price linkage rather than hub-indexed European benchmarks. Recent industry and regional reporting puts Turkmenistan’s deliveries averaging approximately 35 bcm/y in the mid-2020s.

Kazakhstan had committed to supply up to 10 bcm/y, but domestic constraints have kept actual flows lower. S&P Global cites 4.4 bcm in 2022 and 5.86 bcm in 2023, with winter interruptions to protect domestic consumers; of the 29.8 bcm of commercial gas produced in 2023, 19.4 bcm was consumed at home.

Uzbekistan’s volumes have been more variable as Tashkent balances domestic demand, imports, and swap operations. Jamestown noted a fall in Uzbek gas export value to China from $1.07 billion in 2022 to $563.5 million in 2023, before a rebound in 2024 and 2025 according to Chinese customs-based press summaries.

PoS-2’s Route, Mongolian Gatekeeping, and Central Asian Implications

The geography of the route matters for Central Asia. On the Russian side, public summaries describe a corridor from Yamal via Urengoy through Krasnoyarsk and Irkutsk, then across Buryatia toward Kyakhta near the Mongolian border. In Mongolia, official communications stress underground installation across the steppes and local economic benefits, but final investment and ownership arrangements remain pending, and the project’s schedule still depends on a binding Russia–China gas sales agreement that has eluded negotiators for more than a decade.

A critical near-term reality is policy prioritization in Ulaanbaatar. In August 2024, multiple outlets reported that Mongolia omitted PoS-2/Soyuz Vostok from its National Development Plan through 2028, signaling caution. In 2025, Russian and Mongolian officials have emphasized progress on the environmental assessment and intergovernmental cooperation, but the earlier omission underscores the project’s non-inevitability.

Prospects for PoS-2 affect Central Asia in three ways. First, it provides a reference for competition: even without physical deliveries, a credible future Russian option of 50 bcm/y gives Beijing bargaining leeway in price talks with Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan. Second, it enables Chinese portfolio hedging by providing a stabilizer against spot volatility in LNG procurement cycles. Third, the Mongolian gating window gives other suppliers leverage, as physical gas remains years away.

Geography and System Interaction

There would be significant system-level changes if PoS-2 were to proceed. First, the entry-point would shift, as would China’s reliance on the single Xinjiang entry for Central Asian gas. Second, a new corridor would increase China’s flexibility to arbitrage among LNG, PoS-1, PoS-2, and CAGP inflows. Third, Mongolian transit would decrease the relative strategic premium of Central Asian transit.

The hardest commercial issue for PoS-2 has always been price. Europe historically provided Russia with high profitability metrics on pipeline gas. China has resisted paying European-like prices for Siberian volumes, preferring oil-linked formulas. The latest memorandum trumpets route and capacity while avoiding a published price formula. Pricing remains unsettled: a core reason why PoS-2 has slipped repeatedly.

Yet China’s westbound pipeline system already gives Beijing physical optionality across three Central Asian suppliers, with Turkmenistan dominant by volume. The existing 55 bcm/y corridor, and the possibility of even a delayed Line D, would expand China’s portfolio negotiating space even before any Russian gas arrives via PoS-2.

Lessons for Central Asia

Central Asian gas diplomacy has usually been bilateral. A shift toward “managed oligopoly” involving coordinated production, synchronized maintenance, and aligned transit rules would change the arithmetic for Beijing. Even rudimentary steps could have an effect. The distant prospect of PoS-2 increases the penalty for disunity, because even the shadow of 50 bcm/y of Russian gas magnifies China’s walk-away option.

For Central Asia, this matters in two ways. First, every month without a Russia–China price is a month when Turkmenistan can stress proven delivery, Kazakhstan can sell seasonal firmness, and Uzbekistan can market reliability. Turkmenistan’s own contracts, linked to oil price, and the recent realized price under $290/mcm illustrate that Central Asian sellers already work within a pricing regime that fits Beijing’s preferences.

The bottom line for Central Asia is that their leverage resides not in hypothetical flows from Russia that lack a public price formula, but rather in what already flows and what Mongolia has not yet approved. The Central Asian governments can convert this reality into improved terms by emphasizing dependability, modest coordination, and credible optionality. Together, these tactics aggregate into a strategy that will determine whether PoS-2 functions as a long-term constraint on Central Asian gas diplomacy or as a short-term bargaining chip that Central Asia turns to its own advantage.

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哈萨克斯坦的工厂紧张,费用咬合,经济表现出不同的信号

哈萨克斯坦的制造业在八月进一步滑倒,最新采购经理指数(PMI)跌至47.9。这是7月的49.9,6月的49.7降低,将指数连续第三个月保持低于中性50分。根据标准普尔Global and Freedom Holding Corp。从高点到低点惊人的低迷是在横幅一年之后。 2024年12月,PMI达到了记录53.9,连续11个月盖帽。受到大流行后康复和政府支持的鼓舞,制造产出增长了6.8%在2024年,这是自2011年以来最快的速度,帮助推动GDP增长 to 5%.

But momentum cooled as 2025 began. The PMI slipped to 51.5 in January, reflecting slower expansion after the year-end surge. By June and July, it hovered just under 50, signaling stagnation. Seasonal shutdowns for repairs in August contributed to weaker output, but analysts say the slide points to deeper structural pressures.

哈萨克斯坦的PMI在2024年12月达到53.9的峰值,但在2025年稳步滑行,到年中时跌至50岁以下的收缩领域,8月份达到47.9,这是自2022年3月以来最急剧的恶化。

订购干燥,成本上升八月的报告揭示了广泛的弱点。新订单下降了这是19个月以来首次结束了2024年初的增长连胜。下降反映了国内和出口市场的需求较低。订单较少,工厂缩减了人员配备和削减投入购买。

同时,成本飙升。一个较弱和燃料通货膨胀使进口更昂贵,而物流延迟了延长的供应商的交付时间。这些压力迫使企业以更快的速度提高了产出价格,从而冒着竞争力。

“八月在哈萨克斯坦制造业的商业活动再次急剧下降,”自由金融全球的耶兰·阿卜迪卡里莫夫(Yerlan Abdikarimov)说,该公司与标准普尔合作伙伴在调查中合作。他列举了需求疲软,波动的商品市场,成本上升以及货币和税收压力。

税收确实已成为负担。 2025年中期通过的一项新代码提高了金属的提取特许权使用费,并击中了下游冶金。通货膨胀站在12.2%在2025年8月,国家银行将其政策利率保持在16.5%为了驯服价格。这给企业带来了昂贵的融资,从而挤出了利润和减少信心。八月的调查显示,业务信心是自2021年以来最低的。尽管公司仍期望明年增长,但他们的乐观情绪越来越谨慎。行业回应和政府倡议一些高管在政府的工业政策中看到了希望。一个4亿美元的棉花覆盖群与中国合作伙伴在土耳其斯坦建设中,旨在按大规模将家用棉花处理成纺织品。官员们说,该项目将于2025年末开始生产,将创造数千个就业机会并扩大出口。轻型工业,例如纺织品和服装强劲的增长根据官方数据,在2025年上半年,服装增长了约5.6%,纺织品上升了5.7%。化学物质和建筑材料也扩大了,尽管如果总体PMI仍处于收缩状态,则这些收益的风险被掩盖了。

同时,许多公司似乎正在保护现金,并推动税收减免或出口激励措施等改革。政府在促进多元化项目的同时强调了宏观稳定,这是一项可能无法立即救济的平衡法案。区域比较哈萨克斯坦的挣扎在该地区脱颖而出。乌兹别克斯坦报告的工业部门在2025年第一季度增长了约6.5%,因为GDP玫瑰同比同比为6.8%,而对年度的预测仍为6.5–6.7%的增长约为6.5-6.7%。建筑,服务和出口一直在扩大,经济研究与改革中心报告说,乌兹别克斯坦的商业活动指数跃升了15.9%在2025年7月,进一步2.9%在八月,表明持续的动力。

吉尔吉斯斯坦还报告了强劲的增长,其综合业务指数上升到60.9 in spring 2025, powered by strong performances in agriculture, trade, and services. While not a pure manufacturing PMI, the index signals broad economic momentum and underscores the contrast with Kazakhstan’s manufacturing downturn.

哈萨克斯坦的PMI为47.9的PMI与乌兹别克斯坦的6.5%工业增长指数(106.5)和吉尔吉斯斯坦的60.9商业活动指数形成鲜明对比,与中亚邻国相比,该国相对放缓的幅度为60.9。

The difference lies partly in structure. Kazakhstan’s manufacturing is heavily tied to metals and heavy industry, leaving it vulnerable to global price swings and taxes, while its neighbors benefit from more diversified or service-led growth. This 结构差距这意味着,尽管哈萨克斯坦的工厂暴露于商品的波动;超过一半的出口是基于石油的,而其邻国则看到增长更多地受到服务,建筑和制造业的驱动,这会消除外部冲击。展望:平衡风险和机会国际货币基金会项目哈萨克斯坦GDP增长2025年为4.9%,得到强劲的采矿和工业产出的支持。政府计划包括实施190新的工业项目2025年,价值约1.5万亿美元(27.8亿美元),预计将创造超过23,000个永久性就业机会,已经在冶金,化学药品和经济特区发射了数十个。服务和施工也保持韧性,有助于抵消制造业的压力。外部条件可能会提供一些救济:全球商品价格已经稳定下来,9月初,Tenge恢复了基础。俄罗斯或中国需求的反弹也可以支持工厂订单。

尽管PMI读数较弱,但最近的宏观数据还是更细微的图片。在2025年的前七个月,在采矿和制造业的驱动下,工业产出增长了6.9%。采矿扩大了8.5%在2025年的前七个月中,尽管有迹象表明增长可能会在今年晚些时候中度降低。总体GDP增长了6.5%在2025年的前八个月中,得到贸易,工业,建筑和服务的支持。在政策层面上,政府引入了国家支持措施有100多种工具来协助企业,同时对经济特色区的改革和稀土生产的新投资反映了为多样化和增加价值的努力。

但是,仍然存在重大风险。通货膨胀率持续的高度可以使借贷成本提高,限制投资,而全球市场的任何低迷都会使出口权重。分析师警告说,恢复将取决于稳定宏观经济环境,并确保计划的项目从蓝图转变为生产。

目前,八月的PMI数据可作为唤醒电话。几个月前扩大的行业现在正受到需求疲软,成本上升和筹资更严格的压力。哈萨克斯坦的前进道路将取决于政策制定者是否可以在加速多元化的同时恢复稳定性,将长期工业计划变成真正的产出增长。

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EU diplomats call for sanctions on Israel and immediate end to Gaza military operations

European Diplomats Urge Immediate Action on Gaza Crisis

Over 300 current and former European Union diplomats have issued a call for urgent intervention to halt Israel’s military operations in Gaza, citing a growing humanitarian crisis resulting from the ongoing conflict, reports 24brussels.

The group is advocating for emergency sessions of the United Nations General Assembly and Security Council to discuss imposing sanctions on Israel. Additionally, they are pressing the United States to lift restrictions on Palestinian and UN representatives within the organization.

In their letters to EU institutions and the leaders of the 27 member states, the diplomats have demanded sanctions against Israeli officials and an immediate suspension of the EU-Israel partnership agreement. They are also urging 13 European nations to officially recognize the State of Palestine, joining the ranks of 147 UN member states that have already done so.

Palestinian Vice President Hussein Al-Sheikh echoed these sentiments on Thursday, stating that the establishment of a Palestinian state is inevitable and will arise from the resilience of oppressed peoples and the end of occupation. In a post on X, Al-Sheikh asserted: “No matter what extent of tyranny and bullying the occupation acts; its fate is to depart.” He further remarked that the hope for freedom, independence, and self-determination will ultimately prevail.

Al-Sheikh’s comments reflect a widespread sentiment among Palestinian leaders who believe that resistance to occupation will lead to eventual statehood. The urgency of the situation has prompted increased diplomatic efforts from various nations and institutions aimed at resolving the conflict and alleviating humanitarian suffering in Gaza.

The ongoing military actions have escalated tensions in the region, with international calls for ceasefire and diplomatic negotiations gaining momentum. As the situation evolves, the response from global leaders and institutions will be crucial in shaping the future of both the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and regional stability.

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Giorgio Armani’s Will Revealed: Report

The late fashion designer left behind no children to inherit the business.
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Nepal protest death toll reaches 51 as 12,500 prisoners remain on the run

The country’s former Chief Justice Sushila Karki appears set to be appointed interim prime minister.
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Thrifter Left Horrified at What They Find Hanging in Plain Sight: ‘Hell Naw’

“My grandma had one of those with a bunch of heads like that. As a kid I used to play with it,” one user said.