Month: September 2025

• OpenAI foresees millions of AI agents working in companies’ data centers under human supervision.
• OpenAI launches GPT-5 Codex on Monday, which it says can handle complex software projects.
• OpenAI said human supervision is still needed to keep powerful AI tools aligned with goals.

OpenAI is betting the future of software engineering on AI agents.

On the “OpenAI Podcast,” which aired on Monday, cofounder and president Greg Brockman and Codex engineering lead Thibault Sottiaux outlined a vision of vast networks of autonomous AI agents supervised by humans but capable of working continuously in the cloud as full-fledged collaborators.

“We have strong conviction that the way that this is headed is large populations of agents somewhere in the cloud that we as humanity, as people, teams, organizations supervise and steer in order to produce great economical value,” Sottiaux said.

“So if we’re going a couple of years from now, this is what it’s going to look like,” Sottiaux added. “It’s millions of agents working in our and companies’ data centers in order to do useful work.”

OpenAI launched GPT-5 Codex on Monday. Unlike earlier iterations, OpenAI said that GPT-5 Codex can run for hours at a time on complex software projects, such as massive code refactorings, while integrating directly with developers’ workflows in cloud environments.

OpenAI CPO Kevin Weil said on tech entrepreneur Azeem Azhar’s podcast “Exponential View” that internal tools like Codex-based code review systems increased efficiency for its engineers.

This doesn’t mean human coders would be rendered obsolete. Despite successful examples of “vibe coding,” it is obvious when a person using the AI agent doesn’t know how to code, engineers and computer science professors previously told Business Insider.

Brockman said that oversight will still be critical as AI agents take on more ambitious roles. OpenAI has been strategizing since 2017 on how humans or even less sophisticated AIs can supervise more powerful AIs, he said, in order to maintain oversight and “be in the driver’s seat.”

“Figuring out this entire system and then making it multi-agent and steerable by individuals, teams, organizations, and aligning that with the whole intent of organizations, this is where it’s headed for me,” said Sottiaux. “It’s a bit nebulous, but it’s also very exciting.”

Today, Ukraine faces two fundamental, vital challenges: how to end the war on the most favorable terms and how to ensure an accelerated recovery. In my view, both issues are closely tied to the development and preservation of strong U.S.-Ukraine relations.

Over the past year, we came closer to peace than we ever have since the war began. Thanks to U.S. mediation, several rounds of direct negotiations were held—something that had not happened since April 2022. A number of agreements on prisoner exchanges were reached. There was even a temporarily functioning agreement not to target energy infrastructure. The issue of a ceasefire was brought to the table.

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But at present, the diplomatic track has stalled. The aggressor is intensifying attacks on Ukrainian cities, energy facilities, enterprises, and infrastructure. At the same time, political circles in our allied countries—both in the U.S. and Europe—are increasingly speaking about a certain “Ukraine fatigue” and the futility of peace efforts. This is very bad news for Ukraine and the Ukrainian people.

It is critically important for Ukraine that the U.S. maintains its leadership in the negotiation process. If America now withdraws from its leadership role in diplomatic efforts to end the war, the bloodshed will only continue. Conversely, I am convinced that if U.S. mediation continues, peace will be achieved. The key task is to bring Russia to the table for productive negotiations on a ceasefire and discussions of a just peace agreement. This difficult mission can only be carried out by American diplomacy.

The second major issue is post-war recovery. Preliminary estimates suggest that a full-scale development and reconstruction program for Ukraine will require over $500 billion. This is a massive amount, but more importantly, it is a massive undertaking—mobilizing domestic investment and creating the conditions to attract foreign capital. In this regard, close cooperation with the EU and its member states is essential, but so too is a strategic partnership with the United States.

Cooperation with the U.S. can be multifaceted. It’s not just about arms supply and joint weapons production, but also about collaboration in the energy sector—primarily in developing new energy capacities.

One promising area is nuclear energy. There is potential for establishing a full nuclear fuel cycle enterprise in partnership with U.S. companies. Now, as global attitudes toward nuclear energy are shifting and the sector experiences a kind of renaissance, such cooperation would be especially promising. American companies could also play a vital role in the revival of Ukrainian industry, particularly in engineering and manufacturing. Investments in new logistics infrastructure, especially in Ukraine’s Black Sea region, are another key area. We also seek to attract U.S. financial companies to the Ukrainian market and welcome their support in rebuilding and developing Ukraine’s stock market.

We already have the so-called “Resource Agreement,” which envisions the creation of an investment fund. However, this should not be the only format. We need comprehensive U.S. trade and investment agreements. The goal is to harmonize tariffs and eliminate non-tariff barriers to increase the volume of foreign trade.

Bilateral trade between our countries is estimated to be less than $5 billion annually, with Ukrainian exports to the U.S. under $1 billion. We are very interested in expanding access for Ukrainian companies to the U.S. market on mutually beneficial terms—primarily through the creation of joint ventures and attracting direct investments from American companies. Of course, this requires the establishment of proper conditions and the provision of relevant guarantees, which could become part of a future investment agreement.

All of these agreements must be adopted transparently, clearly, and without legal loopholes—unlike the case when the Ukrainian parliament voted on the so-called “resource agreement” with reservations and exceptions. The foundation of U.S.-Ukraine relations must rest on the principles of honesty, transparency, and mutual trust and mutual benefit, all properly enshrined, regulated, and guaranteed in law.

I firmly believe that cooperation with the United States is not only beneficial but essential for Ukraine. And this is not just about economics—it is a crucial element of our national security. It is a chance to work with the most modern, technologically advanced companies in the world. Getting there means building a basis of trust that is enduring and founded in common values like democracy, competition and fairness. Ukrainians are ready for a peaceful future in which we can mutually prosper with proven friends.