Day: September 25, 2025
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吉尔吉斯斯坦解散议会；早期选举的准备工作开始
Deputies in Kyrgyzstan’s parliament voted on September 25 to dissolve parliament, paving the way for early elections that will be conducted under a revised electoral format later this year.
Deputies voted 84-0 in favor of dissolving parliament. Five other deputies abstained from voting, and one MP was absent from the session.
Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov now has five days to name the date for snap parliamentary elections, though speaker of parliament Nurlanbek Turgunbek uulu said he expects the date will be November 30.
The move was expected as a group of deputies started collecting signatures earlier in September to introduce a motion on dissolving parliament.
The chairman of Kyrgyzstan’s Central Election Commission (CEC), Tynchtykbek Shaynazarov, said in an interview on September 2 that the CEC is ready to conduct parliamentary elections this year, “if [parliament] takes the decision to dissolve itself.”
Shaynazarov explained the reason for advancing elections by one year. “According to the law, and plans, the elections for deputies to the Jogorku Kenesh (Kyrgyzstan’s parliament) will take place in November 2026.”
However, Shaynazarov said, “According to the constitutional regulations, the next presidential election is set for January 2027. If we have (parliamentary) elections… in November 2026, the CEC must release an official tally (of votes) within 20 days.” Shaynazarov continued, “Then there will be those who are dissatisfied with the elections and will file a lawsuit. Thus, the campaign for the election of deputies may drag on until December.”
Shaynazarov pointed out this would overlap with campaigning for the presidential election.
Member of Parliament Janar Akayev agreed the proximity of the two elections according to the current schedule could negatively impact the work of the CEC.
Akayev also noted that Japarov signed a new law on procedures for electing parliamentary deputies in June this year.
That law changed the mixed system of electing deputies Kyrgyzstan used in 2021, whereby 36 MPs were elected in single-mandate districts and 54 by party lists. In the next elections, all 90 deputies will be chosen in single-mandate districts. “Since current MPs support the transition to a new system, new elections should be held,” Akayev said.
Kyrgyzstan’s early parliamentary elections, in 1995, 2000, and 2005, were conducted via single-mandate districts. Election by party lists was first used in the 2007 snap elections, and continued to be used in the 2010, 2015, and 2020 elections.
The new regulations for parliamentary elections have negative and positive aspects.
The non-refundable fee to seek a seat in parliament favors the wealthy.
The fee for independent candidates to run remains at 100,000 Kyrgyz som (about $1,115), which is still a high price in a country where the average monthly salary is just a bit over 41,000 som.
Political parties can still participate in elections but must pay 9 million som (almost $103,000). Currently six parties have seats in parliament, but 21 parties fielded candidates in the 2021 elections.
The prohibitively high cost of registering will make it difficult for many people who aspire to a seat in parliament to run as candidates, leaving mainly those with access to relatively large amounts of money to run for seats.
Further favoring the affluent and powerful, all of Kyrgyzstan’s previous elections have been riddled with accusations of vote-buying and use of state funding and/or influence for select candidates. Japarov’s government has criticized both practices, and several of the deputies elected in November 2021 were subsequently removed for paying for votes.
Parliamentary Speaker Turgunbek uulu addressed these concerns when announcing the dissolution of parliament. “The current government intends to hold clean and transparent elections,” Turgunbek uulu said, “No one will be pushed through, no one will be hindered.”
The new elections rules make it obligatory for 30 of the 90 seats, at least one seat from each of the 30 voting districts, to go to women.
The new rules also dispense with by-elections should a deputy step down from his or her post. One of the authors of the amendments to the election law, Ulan Primov, pointed out that Kyrgyzstan has spent nearly 200 million som (about $2.29 million) on by-elections since the 2021 parliamentary elections.
The candidate from the district with a vacated seat who received the fourth most votes in elections will receive the empty seat. If the deputy vacating their seat is a woman, the female candidate who received the next highest number of votes in that electoral district will fill the seat.
The current parliament will continue to function until elections.
Campaigning officially starts 30 days before the elections.
Deputies in Kyrgyzstan’s parliament voted on September 25 to dissolve parliament, paving the way for early elections that will be conducted under a revised electoral format later this year.
Deputies voted 84-0 in favor of dissolving parliament. Five other deputies abstained from voting, and one MP was absent from the session.
Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov now has five days to name the date for snap parliamentary elections, though speaker of parliament Nurlanbek Turgunbek uulu said he expects the date will be November 30.
The move was expected as a group of deputies started collecting signatures earlier in September to introduce a motion on dissolving parliament.
The chairman of Kyrgyzstan’s Central Election Commission (CEC), Tynchtykbek Shaynazarov, said in an interview on September 2 that the CEC is ready to conduct parliamentary elections this year, “if [parliament] takes the decision to dissolve itself.”
Shaynazarov explained the reason for advancing elections by one year. “According to the law, and plans, the elections for deputies to the Jogorku Kenesh (Kyrgyzstan’s parliament) will take place in November 2026.”
However, Shaynazarov said, “According to the constitutional regulations, the next presidential election is set for January 2027. If we have (parliamentary) elections… in November 2026, the CEC must release an official tally (of votes) within 20 days.” Shaynazarov continued, “Then there will be those who are dissatisfied with the elections and will file a lawsuit. Thus, the campaign for the election of deputies may drag on until December.”
Shaynazarov pointed out this would overlap with campaigning for the presidential election.
Member of Parliament Janar Akayev agreed the proximity of the two elections according to the current schedule could negatively impact the work of the CEC.
Akayev also noted that Japarov signed a new law on procedures for electing parliamentary deputies in June this year.
That law changed the mixed system of electing deputies Kyrgyzstan used in 2021, whereby 36 MPs were elected in single-mandate districts and 54 by party lists. In the next elections, all 90 deputies will be chosen in single-mandate districts. “Since current MPs support the transition to a new system, new elections should be held,” Akayev said.
Kyrgyzstan’s early parliamentary elections, in 1995, 2000, and 2005, were conducted via single-mandate districts. Election by party lists was first used in the 2007 snap elections, and continued to be used in the 2010, 2015, and 2020 elections.
The new regulations for parliamentary elections have negative and positive aspects.
The non-refundable fee to seek a seat in parliament favors the wealthy.
The fee for independent candidates to run remains at 100,000 Kyrgyz som (about $1,115), which is still a high price in a country where the average monthly salary is just a bit over 41,000 som.
Political parties can still participate in elections but must pay 9 million som (almost $103,000). Currently six parties have seats in parliament, but 21 parties fielded candidates in the 2021 elections.
The prohibitively high cost of registering will make it difficult for many people who aspire to a seat in parliament to run as candidates, leaving mainly those with access to relatively large amounts of money to run for seats.
Further favoring the affluent and powerful, all of Kyrgyzstan’s previous elections have been riddled with accusations of vote-buying and use of state funding and/or influence for select candidates. Japarov’s government has criticized both practices, and several of the deputies elected in November 2021 were subsequently removed for paying for votes.
Parliamentary Speaker Turgunbek uulu addressed these concerns when announcing the dissolution of parliament. “The current government intends to hold clean and transparent elections,” Turgunbek uulu said, “No one will be pushed through, no one will be hindered.”
The new elections rules make it obligatory for 30 of the 90 seats, at least one seat from each of the 30 voting districts, to go to women.
The new rules also dispense with by-elections should a deputy step down from his or her post. One of the authors of the amendments to the election law, Ulan Primov, pointed out that Kyrgyzstan has spent nearly 200 million som (about $2.29 million) on by-elections since the 2021 parliamentary elections.
The candidate from the district with a vacated seat who received the fourth most votes in elections will receive the empty seat. If the deputy vacating their seat is a woman, the female candidate who received the next highest number of votes in that electoral district will fill the seat.
The current parliament will continue to function until elections.
Campaigning officially starts 30 days before the elections.
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Amid last week’s pomp and parades in London, President Donald Trump and Prime Minister Keir Starmer toasted the trade deal they agreed in May as fresh reinforcement for the “special relationship” that binds Washington and London. What they will not stress is that outside this agreement, the two countries are actually headed in opposite directions on trade. While the United States continues to build steep tariff barriers, the U.K.—and most of America’s key trading partners—are trying to tear them down.
[time-brightcove not-tgx=”true”]
That’s not to say that free trade is dominating the global stage. China continues to subsidize excess capacity, dumping vast quantities of manufactured goods into global markets. Supply chains have fragmented as calls for “near-shoring” bring critical inputs closer to home. Over the last decade, the World Bank reports a sharp rise in the number of rules that restrict trade.
But like a stream, global trade flows inevitably find a way around whatever rock or log has fallen into their path. After 2.9% growth last year, rising trade policy uncertainty may lead to a slight contraction in overall volumes this year, according to the World Trade Organization (WTO). But the WTO’s most recent forecast predicts a rebound to 2.5% growth in 2026. Services trade, which is less affected by tariffs, may clock in around 4% this year and next.
Most of the chaos, of course, comes from Washington, where the Trump Administration’s deals so far have raised average U.S. tariffs to 17.7% from recent levels below 2%. This will likely rise higher still when sectoral tariffs on pharmaceuticals or semiconductors take effect.
Corporate executives rightly complain about tariff uncertainty that may shift with the next Truth Social post, but the future is clearer than they realize. After decades of leading the world’s efforts to reduce tariff barriers, America’s new direction looks locked in. Even a Supreme Court ruling against the president’s use of emergency powers to justify tariffs will likely only drive him to deploy similar measures under different legal mechanisms to address unfair trading practices or threats to strategically important sectors. And regardless of what any future president may think of Trump, no Republican or Democrat will lightly abandon an estimated $2.4 trillion in extra revenues over the next decade, given the parlous state of federal finances.
The irony is that, even as key trading partners have signed Trump’s protectionist deals, they still don’t buy the trade philosophy he is selling.
Canada and China retaliated against Trump’s tariffs, but most other countries have understood that retaliation only further distorts prices. Indeed, a brave few, including the E.U. and Japan, have even chosen to accept so-called “reciprocal” tariffs on their exports to the U.S., while slashing their own tariffs to zero on some U.S. imports. In one telling, they caved to U.S. pressure. But they have also just delivered their voters a tax cut, without widening their budget deficits.
Meanwhile, if Trump’s protectionism has badly damaged the WTO’s efforts to negotiate and enforce free trade rules, individual members clearly still understand the advantages of slashing tariffs. The European Union, which was founded on open market principles, just completed an agreement with Indonesia that reduces tariffs to zero on 80% of imports. Talks continue with India, Australia, and Mercosur, which includes South American countries like Brazil, Argentina, and Uruguay. Canada is in free-trade talks with the Southeast Asian economies of ASEAN. Japan is negotiating with the Gulf states.
Awkwardly for Starmer this week, the U.K. signed a free trade agreement with India over the summer, just before Trump slapped 50% tariffs on Indian imports as punishment for its Russian oil purchases. Even more awkwardly, British negotiators were the first non-Pacific country to join what was once the Trans-Pacific Partnership, which Trump renounced as a disaster on the first day of his first term.
Trump’s backers argue that America needs tough medicine to bring back the manufacturing jobs that were lost to free trade. Other developed economies have seen their manufacturing sectors shrink in recent decades, but they seem to understand that more of those jobs were lost to automation than to trade policy. They also seem to realize that turning back the clock to pre-war protectionism isn’t the solution—and that free trade is here to stay.
It will be terribly expensive for America if that’s the case. And it will be harder than ever to correct Trump’s mistakes.
This won’t be the same as the roars of Augusta National. This won’t be the same as the 16th hole at the Waste Management Open, either. That one, says Jim Kopp, a member of the American Marshals superfan group, is a “manufactured party.”